Armenia and the India-Pakistan Rivalry

By Vladimir Poghosyan
The mood and position of Armenian society, politicians, the military, and public figures regarding the conflict between India and Pakistan is unequivocal: the Armenian people stand with India. This stance was not shaped yesterday or today—it has existed throughout Armenian history. Armenians perceive India as a civilization with a history thousands of years old, parallel to that of Armenian civilization. Armenians have always been proud of the deep ties between the two nations, and of the Armenian legacy in India, just as the Indian footprint can be seen in Armenian history.
Pakistan’s hostile stance toward Armenia and its involvement in wars against Armenians have only reinforced these sentiments. According to sociological surveys, 97% of Armenia’s population sides with India. The entire Armenian political and civic spectrum condemns the recent diplomatic overtures of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan toward Pakistan—even his few remaining supporters criticize him. A government that ignores the mood of society is doomed to lose power. Today, Pashinyan’s approval rating is no higher than 15–17%.
Armenian society takes satisfaction not so much in India’s blocking of Azerbaijan, but rather in Pakistan’s retaliatory blocking of Armenia. Many in Armenia say that India saved the country from entering the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). Our society has come to understand that SCO, BRICS, and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) pose threats to Armenia’s national security. In BRICS, only three countries—Brazil, India, and China (with the addition of the UAE)—have developed economies and advancing technologies. In the SCO, only India and China stand out. In the EAEU, no member state has a strong economy or developed technologies; their economies are commodity-based. For Armenia, there is no future in such blocs.
China presents itself as a friend to Armenia, but we know that China also endorsed sanctions enabling war against Armenia, a fact we were aware of back in 2018. Until recently, China remained silent about its interest in a corridor through Armenia’s Syunik province. Now, however, even Beijing’s patience has run out, and it has openly expressed its position—China sees Syunik as part of its Belt and Road Initiative. Consequently, China is building a geopolitical axis including Russia, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Pakistan, and the Central Asian republics.
Russia, however, plays its own game. Cut off from Europe, and with its Far Eastern and Asian routes insufficient, Moscow seeks a corridor through southern Armenia. Its capacity through Black Sea ports, such as Novorossiysk, is inadequate, and logistics through Azerbaijan and Georgia into Turkey are weak. Therefore, Russia also needs the corridor. But the Armenian people are firmly opposed and ready to defend their interests.
It is important to note that this corridor would not ultimately benefit Russia. Moscow once tried to place it under its control but failed. Why is the corridor dangerous for Russia itself? Because if it opens, China and Turkey will become the dominant players. This would harm India, Iran, and Armenia, while serving Turkey’s long-standing ambition of realizing its “Turan project,” which is extremely dangerous for Russia. Such a project could erode Moscow’s influence in Asia and attract Turkic peoples within Russia itself, strengthening Turkey’s leadership of a powerful Turkic political and military bloc.
For China, the corridor provides a Belt and Road route via China–Kazakhstan–Azerbaijan–Armenia–Turkey. Clearly, China and Turkey would dominate, investing heavily—while Russia lacks the same resources. Thus, Russia, needing the corridor, would end up strengthening Turkey and China at its own expense. Moscow’s strategy of aligning with Turkey and Azerbaijan has been a mistake, and now it is paying the price.
Our position is clear: the road through Armenia to Turkey must not function. The alternative strategy—one I have long promoted, including in discussions with senior EU officials—is to form another bloc: India–Iran–Armenia–Georgia–EU, with France and Germany in the lead, and potentially including Cyprus, Greece, Russia, and Israel. Already during my service in the General Staff of the Armenian Armed Forces, I proposed to France the urgent need to deepen relations with India and Iran, and we have since held many meetings on this project.
For Armenia, the Belt and Road is a national security threat. We see India—not China—as the rising power in the region. The decisive factor is Armenia’s territory, and it is for us to decide who becomes our main economic and civilizational partner. As a nation, we view India as such a partner. Russia must also recognize that such a project would represent salvation for itself. This is not merely an economic initiative—it is a civilizational one.
We have even explained this to the Americans, proposing the concept of a U.S.–India–France–Russia–Iran–Armenia–Georgia format, which could have accelerated resolution of the Ukraine crisis. At present, U.S. actions run counter to the interests of India and Europe. If this bloc emerges without U.S. participation, Donald Trump would find himself sidelined.
Of course, we will eventually negotiate with China—but always in alignment with the interests of India, Iran, and Russia. Should China abandon its corridor ambitions, we could include it in a dialogue framework alongside India. France, for its part, has already heeded our advice in strengthening ties with India. The chosen strategy must block projects that undermine Armenia, Iran, and India.
For Russia, too, this project should be highly attractive. If Armenia helps normalize Russian–Georgian relations, access to the Black Sea via Georgia would make it more difficult for Central Asia, Azerbaijan, and Pakistan to secure routes through the region—an outcome that would sober many actors.
Unfortunately, Armenia’s current leadership lacks strategic thinking and serves external agendas. As a nation, we are ashamed of the government’s posture toward Pakistan. In our political strategy, we would never establish diplomatic relations with Pakistan. For us, India is a critically important partner.
Regarding the agreements signed in the U.S. during Pashinyan’s and Aliyev’s meeting with Donald Trump, we believe Trump is acting against Armenia’s interests, and we will not allow projects that damage Armenia or our friends to be realized.
Armenia’s problem is not only weak leadership but also the extremely low level of strategic thinking among world politicians. International obligations no longer function, global security architecture has been destroyed, international law trampled, and human life devalued. Today’s world demands new approaches and the creation of new alliances.
Throughout history, both Armenia and India have never betrayed their friends. Iran, however, committed strategic mistakes during the 2020 war, when Turkey pursued its own goals while Iran remained on the sidelines. Now, Tehran itself faces the threat of a new bloc designed to weaken Iran and India—a project backed in part by Pakistan.
Yet one point remains clear: all these projects must pass through Armenian territory. It is up to us to decide who is our friend and ally. I believe I have made it absolutely clear who that is.
Armenia and India now have an excellent opportunity to establish close cooperation across multiple fields: military-technical, scientific and technological, economic, defense, and education. The avenues of cooperation are many, and we have numerous projects to propose—though the time to reveal them has not yet come. But that time will certainly come.

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