Why do Russia and ally Tajikistan hold divurgent positions regarding the Taliban?
Tajiks are quite disappointed by a “neutral”, seemingly not supportive (and being apparently “pro-Taliban”) Russia’s present position in the traditional Pashtu-Tajik tensions
By Valentin Yakushik
The reconciliatory discourse of Russia’s diplomats and leading politicians towards the presently victorious Taliban in Afghanistan is quite clear: the Russian Federation, as a great power, does not want to be caught again into a trap of being involved into a destructive, hopeless war, depleting resources of their country and of its neighbours. Russia is oriented towards an efficient national reconciliation in Afghanistan.
Meanwhile, the political accents of the discourse of the leadership of Tajikistan,an important regional actor, in particular of its President Emomali Rahmon, are somehow different vis-à-vis Afghanistan. They do not mind an efficient national reconciliation in the neighbouring country (where according to Rahmon the ethnic Tajiks constitute almost 40 per cent of the population but according to Afghan statistics about 25 per cent), though not at any cost, and only on specific decent terms for the entire ethnic community of the local Tajiks. Therefore the tough anti-Taliban rhetoric of the President of Tajikistan is based on two-layered logic:
(a) for “internal consumption” in Tajikistan – a strong man, the Father of the Nation must always be strong and adamant in protecting the Nation world-wide, and
(b) in the “external message” – Tajiks everywhere, and especially in Afghanistan, must be sure that they can always count on the support of their kin people and the Republic of Tajikistan.
Definitely, Tajiks are quite disappointed by a “neutral”, seemingly not supportive (and being apparently “pro-Taliban”) Russia’s present position in the traditional Pashtu-Tajik tensions and political competition in Afghanistan. Nevertheless, all these contradictions between Tajikistan’s and Russia’s positions vis-à-vis the post-American Afghanistan may well be part of the planned cumulative effect of a “pluralistic” and “tiered” approach to creating a peaceful and stable Afghanistan with real regional decentralization and, hopefully, an inclusive central government.
The author is Professor, Political Science, National University of Life and Environmental Sciences of Ukraine.
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