Capitol Attack: Recast the Narrative of Trump’s Base
Continuing to portray Trump’s base as “poor,” “uneducated,” or “rural” is both classist and simplistic, and instead we must collectively mobilize and unite against the far-right forces
By Ria Mazumdar
Letter from Washington
This past Wednesday, the insurrection by a pro-Trump mob of thousands left a permanent scar on American democracy. Five people died in the chaos, and police discovered pipe bombs and other weapons on the premises. After being called to address the rioters, Trump stated “we love you” to them and reiterated his baseless claims of election fraud. In the wake of the attack, Pelosi and the Democrats have drawn up articles of impeachment, a process that will play out next week. Aside from the strictly political consequences, the horrific incident should be a wake-up call for many about who Trump’s base really is – and what strategies are required to mobilize against the far right.
Lawmakers indicate shock and disappointment at the security failure of the Capitol police. Video footage showing police officers standing by stands in devastating contrast with the brutality and violence committed against peaceful Black Lives Matter protesters in the summer of 2020, and also raises critical questions regarding the complicity and direct involvement of these officers – especially because Trump had tweeted about a ‘big protest in D.C.’ on January 6th. There is even footage of cops taking selfies with rioters as the mob raged inside the building.
This striking and overt collaboration makes one thing clear: the attempted coup benefited from institutional collaboration, and Trump’s support is embedded in places that may feel unexpected. This coalition of support is built around an alliance of white supremacy. Much of the conventional liberal explanation for the 2016 election outcome, relies on a narrative of class. This narrative holds that a populist, economic discontent motivated large swaths of America to vote for Trump. This is a dangerously incomplete picture. Refinery29 puts it well: “…liberals have [ridiculed] the rioters they call ‘blue collar MAGA’… without ever contending with the fact that the majority of Trump voters were actually wealthy. [The siege] was lawyers, businesspeople, parents, and even off-duty officers.” While class analysis is important, this mistaken narrative sidelines the central role of racism and fails to explain the disturbing rise of the ideological far-right via groups such as QAnon, the Proud Boys, and the neo-Nazi National Socialist Club.
The centralization around Trump as a figure of white supremacy has occurred at all class levels. A tweet read: “Friend just texted me, horrified, after realizing that her ex was part of the violent mob in the Capitol today. He’s a well-spoken West Point grad w/an MBA who lives in Navy Yard and works as a bizdev exec. We’ve gone on double dates. These terrorists are hiding in plain sight.” Bradley Rukstales, CEO of tech company Cognesia, was arrested for his participation in the riots. Jim Worthington, CEO of the Newton Athletic Club, helped coordinate buses to the Capitol. These are just a few examples of middle and upper-class individuals who went to D.C. to riot – the ability to fly and stay in a hotel during the working week in the middle of a pandemic is itself indicative of class privilege.
This news would be shocking to someone who believes, like the conventional narrative states, that the most extreme elements of Trump’s base lies in poor, rural areas. It is crucial to refocus this conception in order to understand that the forces of white supremacy and fascism transcend class. As has happened throughout history, racism is able to drive a wedge in the middle of class solidarity. Understanding this will be instrumental in understanding and combating the threat of white supremacist violence.
In September, the Department of Homeland Security identified white supremacists as the biggest national security threat. Radicalization and far right activity has largely occurred online. The #StopTheSteal movement united members of QAnon, the Proud Boys, and Republicans on social media as they openly planned the events of January 6th. These online activities have taken place on mainstream platforms including Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube. Although various platforms are taking action to moderate such activity, this widespread network activity remains cause for concern.
The Washington Post reported in 2017 that most Trump voters were not working class; indeed, 20 percent of white Trump voters without a college degree had a household income over $100,000. They put it concisely: “This kind of stereotyping and scapegoating is a dismaying consequence of the narrative that working-class Americans swept Trump into the White House. It’s time to let go of that narrative.” As the nation reacts to the incidents of last week, this has never been more relevant. Moving forward, the response to the attempted coup must be a direct response to white supremacy and the far right. Calls for bipartisan unity or compromise simply neglect the complicity and direct involvement of the Republican Party. Continuing to portray Trump’s base as “poor,” “uneducated,” or “rural” is both classist and simplistic, and instead we must collectively mobilize and unite against the far-right forces that have recognized Trump as a leadership symbol.
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