Russia’s Highest Civilian Award For PM Modi: Why Now?

The conferment on 12^th April of Russia’s highest civilian award – The Order of St Andrew the Apostle’-  on India’s Prime Minister  Narendra Modi – has generated a mild debate between the supporters and detractors of PM Modi, particularly on its real objective and its timing as it comes in the midst of national elections in India.

According to official Russian sources, the award is in recognition of PM Modi’s“exceptional services” in promoting a special and privileged strategic partnership between Russia and India and friendly relations between the Russian and Indian people. The hard-core Modi supporters treat the award as yet  another  personal achievement of PM Modi who in all has been decorated with eight international awards including the highest civilian award of UAE early April. The detractors find it unpalatable and allege that the award or at least its timing has been manipulated to boost the image of PM  Modi’s who is seeking second term at the 2019 Parliamentary elections currently underway. There is an element of truth in the Russia’s official statement as well as some merit in  the arguments  of  Modi supporters but much remains unstated.

It may be recalled that India’s relations with Soviet Union/ Russia have gone through some distinct phases since India’s independence in 1947. For over four decades up-to 1991India’s dependence on Soviet Union for political, diplomatic and moral support as well as in defence, nuclear energy, space  and heavy industry was near total. The Treaty of Peace and friendship of 1971 was a defining moment in the history of two countries.

The collapse of the USSR end 1991 changed the scenario resulting in an adverse fallout for India’s relations with the successor Russian Federation. Even though India and Russia concluded a new Treaty in 1993, there is little to celebrate in bilateral relations during the nineties. The trend was reversed by President Vladimir Putin’s visit to India in 2000 when the relationship entered into a qualitatively new phase of strategic partnership. It also institutionalized the annual bilateral Summit level meetings between the leaders of the two countries-a practice followed uninterruptedly since then. Ten years later during the visit of the Russian President to India in December 2010, the Strategic Partnership was elevated to the level of a “Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership.” Resultantly, on most regional and international issues both India and Russia were on the same page. Russia retained its position as the largest partner in defence supplies to India.

It was against this backdrop that Narendra Modi assumed charge as India’s Prime Minister , following the unprecedented victory of the Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) in 2014 nation-wide Parliamentary elections. From the very initial stages of his tenure PM Modi began to invest considerable time and energy to India’s foreign policy in order to impart a new orientation and leave his personal mark. India’s Neighbourhood First Policy, Act East Policy etc. are some of the loudly pronounced foreign policy initiatives. In the process he somehow ended up creating an impression-right or wrong – with the Russian policy makers that India under Modi’s leadership was drifting away from the “tried, tested and reliable Russia”, while trying to build bridges with the USA, Japan, China, France, Germany and other leading global players. India’s decision to diversify its sources for defence procurements in particular had a direct bearing on the fortunes of Russia, who at the time was going through a difficult financial situation, caused by the declining oil prices and the Western sanctions. Russia thus had a reason to feel cheated; President Putin’s decision to keep his State visit to India in December 2014 as a brief affair was a signal in itself; so were the signals from Russia of  forging  a possible defence cooperation with Pakistan.

PM Modi was arguably quick in realising the need to address the trust deficit, caused primarily by his own acts,even if those were unintended. During his visit to Moscow in December, 2015, PM Modi not only carried a long wish list for defence purchases, he also publicly assured his counterpart:  ‘I have always had great respect and appreciation of our strategic partnership. It has been a source of strength and success for India in defence development and diplomacy’. He went on to describe President Putin very appropriately as the ‘architect of the India-Russia strategic partnership’, adding that “I see Russia as a significant partner in India’s economic transformation and in shaping a balanced, stable, inclusive and multi-polar world”. These sentiments were duly reflected in the  Joint Statement, which read: the two sides “reaffirmed the unique character of Russia-India relations based on time-tested and deep mutual trust and friendship between the two nations”. One year later, Modi once again assure Putin by using a Russian proverb that “one old friend is better than two new friends”.

PM  Modi’s  corrective measures thus put the relationship back on track. One of the reasons for the award therefore is the recognition of PM Modi’s timely intervention to prevent the relationship from going haywire to the disadvantage of Russia.

In the backdrop of Russia’s deteriorating relations with USA and worsening economy, Russia needs India most at this moment as perhaps never before as a market for its defence supplies, which are threatened in view of tough competition from the USA and some  European countries on the one hand and face limitations arising out of the  US sanctions (CAATSA) on the other. The second plausible  reason for the award is the recognition of India’s decision to go beyond rhetoric and not to abandon Russia as a supplier of defence equipment as reflected in several defence deals concluded in past few years. The most significant was the deal worth over $5 billion. Which India concluded with Russia in October, 2018 for the purchase of S-400 air defence system despite the possibility of the deal inviting sanctions under CAATSA. India thus lived up-to the commitment made under inter-governmental agreement in 2016 on the side-lines of Goa BRICS Summit.

Russia would like India notto cave in under the pressure of CATSA or use it as an excuse to walk out of potential arms deals or put them on hold. Hence the need to appease Indian leadership-PM Modito be precise-in an attempt to keep him on its right side.The timing of the award is also  an implied message that Russia is comfortable with Modi as India’ s Prime Minister and would like to see him re-elected at the 2019 elections.

In a nutshell the award is not only in recognition of PM Modi’s personal contribution to salvaging and strengthening  special and privileged strategic relationship but equally importantly   its compulsion to to retain India as a dependable partner who could help Russia keep its military-industrial complex afloat.

(The author is a retired diplomat, who had previously served in Moscow)

Aditi Bhaduri

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